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Stephen Bantu Biko South African History Online. Watch Cudowne Lato Hindi Full Movie on this page. Introduction. Stephen (Steve) Bantu Biko was a popular voice of Black liberation in South Africa between the mid 1. This was the period in which both the ANC and the PAC had been officially banned and the disenfranchised Black population (especially the youth) were highly receptive to the prospect of a new organisation that could carry their grievances against the Apartheid state.
Thus it was that Biko’s Black Consciousness Movement (BCM) came to prominence and although Biko was not its only leader, he was its most recognisable figure. It was Biko, along with others who guided the movement of student discontent into a political force unprecedented in the history of South Africa. Biko and his peers were responding to developments that emerged in the high phase of Apartheid, when the Nationalist Party (NP), in power for almost two decades, was restructuring the country to conform to its policies of separate development. The NP went about untangling what little pockets of integration and proximity there were between White, Black, Coloured and Indian people by creating new residential areas, new parallel institutions such as schools, universities and administrative bodies, and indeed, new ‘countries’, the tribal homelands. Though Biko was killed before his thirty first birthday, his influence on South Africa was, and continues to be profound.
Aside from the BCM, he is also credited with launching the South African Students Organisation (SASO), which was created as a Black alternative to the liberal National Union of South African Students (NUSAS). It is necessary to disambiguate this move, as Biko is frequently misunderstood to have been ”anti- White.” This categorisation is demonstrably untrue, as Biko had no issue with White people per se - his target was always, ultimately white supremacy and the Apartheid government. The decision to break away from NUSAS and the formation of the BCM was rather to create distance from liberal sympathisers who could attempt to speak for their Black counterparts but were nonetheless, by virtue of their race, beneficiaries of an iniquitous system. Biko is best remembered for empowering Black voices, installing a sense of Black pride similar to Césaire and Senghor’s ‘Negritude’, and for taking the liberation struggle forward and galvanising the youth movement. Childhood and Schooling.
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Biko's house in King William's Town. Image source. Biko was born in Tarkastad in the Eastern Province (now Eastern Cape) on 1. December 1. 94. 6, the third child of Mzingaye Biko and Nokuzola Macethe Duna.
Mzingaye worked as a policeman, and later as a clerk in the King William’s Town Native Affairs office. An intelligent man, he was also enrolled at the University of South Africa (UNISA), the distance- learning university, but did not complete enough courses to get his law degree before he died. In 1. 94. 8, the family moved to Ginsberg Township, just outside of King William’s Town in today's Eastern Cape.
The Bikos eventually owned their own house in Zaula Street in the Brownlee section of Ginsberg - this despite Nokuzola's meagre income as a domestic worker. Mzingaye died suddenly in 1. Steve was four years old. His mother subsequently raised the children on her own, working as a cook at Grey’s Hospital. Steve’s elder brother, Khaya, was politically active as well as enjoying sports. He started a rugby club called Sea Lions, which later morphed into the Star of Hope rugby club. Khaya was well- read and well- spoken, and he became a reporter for the school newspaper at Forbes Grant School, and got involved with the local branch of the Pan Africanist Congress (PAC), a political tendency which had a strong presence in the area.
After coming under the influence of Malcolm Dyani, who was also at Forbes Grant, Khaya was made the secretary of the local branch, and he tried to use the Star of Hope rugby club to recruit people into the PAC. Steve was known as a joker by his friends and schoolmates, Zinzo Gulwa, Ndikho Moss, Sipho Makwedini and Siphiwo Ceko. Around 1. 95. 2 (the exact date varies from source to source), he went to Charles Morgan Higher Primary School when he started Standard Three (Grade Five).
His teacher, Damsie Monaheng, who remembered him as a naughty boy who was always barefoot, recommended that he be promoted to Standard Five, so he skipped Standard Four. Although his friends never saw him study, he was one of the brightest kids in the class, and he would help the other kids when they did not understand their lessons. Steve passed Standard Six in 1. Forbes Grant, a school through which many passed to become prominent figures in post- apartheid South Africa. At Forbes, Steve eventually befriended Larry Bekwa, who had been expelled from Lovedale College after he took part in a strike protesting against South Africa’s becoming a republic in 1. Steve proved to be a studious high school student, excelling in mathematics and English.
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In 1. 96. 2, at the age of 1. Steve and Larry completed their Junior Certificate (Grade Ten). Steve then went to Lovedale, where his brother Khaya, was already a student. However, in April, Steve was taken into custody by the police, who came to the school to arrest Khaya, who was suspected of being involved with Poqo, the armed wing of the PAC. The police took both brothers to King William’s Town, 6. Khaya was charged. He was given a sentence of two years, with 1.
Fort Glamorgan jail near East London. Steve was released and returned home, but he ran away from Ginsberg to live with his friend Larry Bekwa in Peddie (Eastern Cape) for the rest of the year. Nevertheless, he continued going to classes at Lovedale, where he became friends with Barney Pityana, who was at the school on an Andrew Smith bursary. The political tensions at Lovedale were palpable, as Steve arrived at the school soon after Thabo Mbeki had been expelled, following strikes by students.
Following Khaya’s arrest, Steve was interrogated by the police and subsequently he was also expelled from Lovedale after only attending for three months. This incident inculcated in Steve a "strong resentment toward White authority", which would shape his political career. Khaya was barred from attending any school after his release from prison, so he began to work as a clerk for a law firm. Concerned about his younger brother’s education, he wrote to various schools and got Steve accepted at St Francis College (a Catholic boarding School outside Durban) in Marianhill in Natal (now kwa. Zulu- Natal) in 1. Form Four. By now, after his brush with the police, Steve had become politicised. Khaya remembered: “Steve was expelled for absolutely no reason at all.
But in retrospect I welcome the South African government’s gesture of exposing a really good politician. I had unsuccessfully tried to get Steve interested in politics.
The police were able to do in one day what had eluded me for years. This time the great giant was awakened.”Steve was in illustrious company at Marianhill, and he thrived, becoming the vice chair of the St Francis College’s Literary and Debating Society.
He became friends with Jeff Baqwa, who described Steve’s burgeoning analytical and political capacities during a discussion about Rhodesia’s (now Zimbabwe) unilateral declaration of independence [UDI]: “We needed clarity on UDI in Rhodesia, and that’s where Steve shone. And when Churchill died Steve was there to describe the political implications.